مجله رهیافت های سیاسی و بین المللی
سال هشتم شماره 1 (پیاپی 47، پاییز 1395)

The main question of the article is what are the challenges facing the application of the field of international relations in Iran? And how do these challenges manifest themselves in the research output of this field, which is in the form of scientific-research articles? The theoretical framework of research is formed by the relationship between theory and research from the perspective of positivist and post-positivist perspectives. For this purpose, both quantitative and qualitative methods have been used. During the writing of the article, the published works from 1393 to 1395 were reviewed in six scientific-research quarterly journals. Findings show that lack of attention to scenario-based forecasting, inefficiency of educational system, lack of access to research data, instrumental view of research in Iran, disconnection of the university from executive institutions, relative weakness in theoretical knowledge and lack of criticism In research, the main challenges facing the application of international relations are.

For the scholars of neoclassical realism, the impact of interest groups within the states on foreign policy is considered as a golden variable to analyze different foreign policies of states. Neoclassical Realism is a multilevel analysis, dealing with both state level and international system. It presents a coherent and compatible analysis through the integration of systematic factors and innenpolitiks, and creates a valid compromise between the need to theoretical accuracy and admission of the intricate aspects of foreign policy. The article claims that neoclassical realism is a more coherent theoretical framework for understanding the foreign policy of the United States. The authors scrutinize the role of interest groups including ethnic groups of the United State and their process of action which is lobbying the congress to influence the foreign policy within the framework of neoclassical realism.

Democracy developing policy in abroad, especially the model of its imposing through the force (democracy by force), has been constantly adopted after the World War II in the field of foreign policy by the United States of America and in some of the countries practiced. This policy has been the origin of wide disputes among American scholars in political sciences. But, the changes during the recent decade in Iraq showed that this policy in this country has faced a failure in practice despite of the optimism of White House politicians. The main question of this paper is to state what are the obstacles ahead democratization in Iraq caused the democracy model by force to be faced serious challenges? The hypothesis of this paper is that multiple factors such as insecurity development and political instability , low social – economic development indices, weakness of political-civil culture, significant presence of elites, authoritarian political movements in political scenes, increased ethnic and religious gaps incorporated with foreign interventions of regional countries in aggravating these crises are the challenges ahead democratization in Iraq. In this regard, the present paper refers to the disputes of western academic associations concerning democracy developing policy and democratization model by force using descriptive-analytical method and then studies the challenges ahead this policy in Iraq from 2003 to 2016.

From the first non-university universities to modern universities, there have been many changes in the idea of ​​the university and the modern educational system. There is still a theoretical debate as to whether the basis of the university is independent or even dependent on power due to its integration with the process of production and acquisition of knowledge (knowledge). The main question is whether the university, as a modern institution, has free educational, biological and vital life, or whether the idea of ​​a university will be realized only when it is established in an institution or under the shadow of power? Another is that the university as an institution, why and how it serves the power structure and how its functions are affected by power technology? In this article, with the help of Louis Althusser's thought and from the perspective of the theory of "ideology and ideological apparatuses of the state" [1], we will try to find appropriate answers to the above questions. In this research, we try to show how the educational system, especially the university institution, changes under the influence of power techniques and government institutions, and how and at what levels this type of change takes place. In this way, we used qualitative analysis methods, including content analysis and narrative method (because it seems to find the root causes of a particular phenomenon such as the subject of this research and due to the historical nature of the subject and the limited relationships and components of such a political phenomenon Social are qualitative methods such as content analysis and narrative methods that will help us in the context of the remnants of events). Similarly, to gather information and collect raw materials for this study, we have used participatory observation, study of documents and books, documents and in-depth interviews. The purpose of this study is to show what place the university has found in human life today or due to the nature and functions it offers today, what processes it has gone through to be responsible for such functional characteristics in this age. [1] Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses

The Middle East can be considered the first center of political crises, including war, terrorism, coups and other crises. For example, in 2017, after Donald Trump's visit to Saudi Arabia, several events took place in the region. Events such as the severance of political ties between Qatar and Saudi Arabia, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps' missile attacks on ISIS terrorist positions in Deir ez-Zor, and the change of governorship in Saudi Arabia, which ousted King Salman's Crown Prince Mohammed bin Nayef and his son Mohammed. He turned Ben Salman in this direction. In this article, the authors, using comparative, analytical-descriptive methods, as well as Alvin Toffler's theory of transfer of power, try to provide a convincing answer to the question: "What was the flow of the transfer of power to Muhammad bin Salman by the King of Saudi Arabia?" Is?" "How will the Al-Saud dynasty resolve regional crises with these changes?" The findings of the article indicate that "Muhammad bin Nayef's weakness and moderate stance in the region's crises, Muhammad bin Salman's pragmatic policies towards Yemen, Iraq, Syria and Iran, and his ambitions alongside positions close to the Zionist regime and the United States. Has made him the most suitable candidate for the governorship of Saudi Arabia. Also, it seems that Muhammad bin Salman's policies, given his spirit of violence and radicalism, will lead to the suppression of dissidents at home and the escalation of crises in the Middle East.

The present research maintains that Alexis de Tocqueville`s reflections on the French Revolution and the American Revolution might provide an innovative approach to analyze revolutions , including to understand some significant aspects of the Iranian Revolution (1979) . Tocqueville, highlighting the “equality of conditions”, In addition to explaining the causes of the developments of the new age, opened a new horizon for analyzing the modern revolutions. In a discussion on freedom- equality relations, he introduces the American Revolution as a typical example of “the revolution for freedom”, and the French Revolution as “for equality”. Accordingly revolutions can be categorized in two groups, revolutions for freedom and those for equality, based on the cause to which is given priority by revolutionists. Investigating Tocqueville`s thoughts , the present paper seeks to, in the first stage , index a tree-factor model consisted of “the equality of conditions” , bureaucratic centralism, and the literates` dream-making ; then, put this three-dimensional conceptual apparatus to the test through focusing on Iranian Revolution . On this basis, in the new Age, the desire for equality of conditions in the Iranian society has been significantly expanded. Along with that, the administration of affairs in a centralized manner by the Pahlavi government had devastating effects on Iranian society and provided the conditions in which “the poet's intellectuals " launched a revolutionary mobilization. At the end, In addition to explaining the revolution in discussing its results the paper suggests that Iranian Revolution might be considered as a “revolution for equality” due to what occurred to it in the aftermath of the victory.